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The war in Ukraine and Donbas

🇷🇺🇺🇦 "Two hundred thousand are already ready, another million are on the way" (C).

According to the creator of the "Lancets" Alexander Zakharov, he needed a segway to go around all the production shops.

200K Lancets. How many tanks does Ukraine have left?
 
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You gotta love Russia. this is their Family Values, aka "anti-gay" flag

CJh7zc6UMAA5AU6
 
RUSSIA HAS A NEW GULAG


Moscow has revived the Soviet-era labor camp.


JULY 14, 2023


In 1978, Bohdan Klymchak walked out of the Soviet Union and asked for political asylum in Iran. Klymchak was Ukrainian, born near Lviv. In 1949, his family had been deported to Khabarovsk, in the Russian Far East, after the arrest of his brother as a “Ukrainian nationalist.” In 1957, Klymchak himself was arrested for “anti-Soviet agitation”; even after his release, he remained under constant surveillance. After he escaped across the border, and after the Iranians sent him back, Klymchak wound up in a camp called Perm-36, one of the last large political prisons in the Soviet Union. He remained there until 1990, as one of the last Soviet political prisoners.


In the three decades since Klymchak was freed, a lot has happened. Perm-36 became a thriving museum and site of remembrance, receiving tens of thousands of visitors, including groups of schoolchildren, every year. In 2014, it was shut down again. Russian ex-prisoners and historians published memoirs and histories of the Gulag, held conferences, created exhibitions, made documentaries. Then, over the past several years, their organizations were banned, and their leaders were exiled or ignored.


Read: War and consequences


Today, a new version of that same Gulag system is being reconstructed, especially for Ukrainians. Journalists, war-crimes investigators, and specialized groups such as the Reckoning Project have already documented arrests, murders, prisons, and torture chambers in Ukrainian territories under Russian occupation. Slowly, it is becoming clear that these are not just ad hoc responses to Ukrainian resistance. They are part of a long-term plan: the construction of a sprawling system of camps and punishment colonies—a new Gulag. The Associated Press reported yesterday that it has evidence of at least 40 prison camps in Russia and Belarus, as well as 63 formal and informal prisons in occupied Ukraine, containing perhaps 10,000 Ukrainians. A few are prisoners of war: Gulagu.net, a Russian prison-monitoring group, has evidence of Ukrainian soldiers in Russian prisons who arrive without proper papers or POW status. But most of the Ukrainian prisoners are civilians who have been arrested or abducted in occupied territory.


As in the Gulag during its heyday, slave labor is one purpose of these camps. Some Ukrainians in captivity are being forced to dig trenches and build fortifications for Russian soldiers, and to dig mass graves. The Gulag was also designed to instill terror in the broader population, and the new camp system works that way too. Civilians are imprisoned and tortured for minor offenses—AP cites, as one example, the tying of a ribbon with Ukrainian colors to a bicycle—or sometimes for no reason at all. The Reckoning Project has collected many examples of Russian soldiers becoming paranoid and interrogating ordinary people, many of them volunteers for civic organizations, about their connections to the Ukrainian security services, the CIA, or even George Soros’s Open Society Foundation. The AP describes one civilian captive from Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia region who was pulled from her cell, driven around town, and told to identify people with pro-Ukrainian sympathies. In 1937–38, during the era of the Great Purges, Soviet secret police were equally paranoid and equally terrified, not only of ordinary people but also of one another. Recent infighting suggests that Russian military forces may reach that stage in occupied Ukraine too.


FOLLOW THE ATLANTIC


From the June 2023 issue: The counteroffensive


Like the Soviet Gulag, the new Russian camp network is not temporary, and unless the Ukrainians can take back their territory, it will expand. AP has obtained a Russian document, dated this past January, that describes plans to build 25 new prison colonies and six detention centers in occupied Ukrainian territory by 2026. Like the Soviet Gulag, this system is chaotic and lawless. People have been condemned without trial. Their documents have been lost. Sometimes they are kept for no reason, or released for no reason. Their relatives receive no information about them and cannot find or contact them. Eventually, they may also be forced to the front lines. That is certainly the fate of Russian prisoners in Russia, many of whom are now told to sign mobilization papers, and beaten and tortured if they refuse. As in the old days, it seems as if Russian prison directors have been given quotas, numbers of prisoners they need to supply in order to fulfill some central plan.


The historical echoes can’t be an accident. The KGB once taught new recruits to study the institution’s history, and the Russian security services clearly do the same: They are carrying out repressive policies that “worked” in the Soviet days, that kept people like Bohdan Klymchak and his brother behind bars. But that history also explains Ukraine’s response. Anyone who wonders why the Ukrainians keep fighting, why they keep asking for more weapons, why they become frustrated by slow-moving transatlantic diplomacy, why they seem angry or “unreasonable,” should remember this: The Gulag was supposed to belong to the past. Now it belongs to the present. If Ukrainians don’t want it to be part of their future, they will have to physically remove these camps—and the people who run them—from Ukrainian land. Until they have succeeded, no help will ever be enough.


Anne Applebaum is a staff writer at The Atlantic.
 
Its Lvov, supporting language desecration in name of “national identity” only pampers to those who need professional medical help and lack of it turns them violent or delusional or both. Frankly you’ve lost me at Lviv :)
 
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RUSSIA HAS A NEW GULAG


Moscow has revived the Soviet-era labor camp.


JULY 14, 2023


In 1978, Bohdan Klymchak walked out of the Soviet Union and asked for political asylum in Iran. Klymchak was Ukrainian, born near Lviv. In 1949, his family had been deported to Khabarovsk, in the Russian Far East, after the arrest of his brother as a “Ukrainian nationalist.” In 1957, Klymchak himself was arrested for “anti-Soviet agitation”; even after his release, he remained under constant surveillance. After he escaped across the border, and after the Iranians sent him back, Klymchak wound up in a camp called Perm-36, one of the last large political prisons in the Soviet Union. He remained there until 1990, as one of the last Soviet political prisoners.


In the three decades since Klymchak was freed, a lot has happened. Perm-36 became a thriving museum and site of remembrance, receiving tens of thousands of visitors, including groups of schoolchildren, every year. In 2014, it was shut down again. Russian ex-prisoners and historians published memoirs and histories of the Gulag, held conferences, created exhibitions, made documentaries. Then, over the past several years, their organizations were banned, and their leaders were exiled or ignored.


Read: War and consequences


Today, a new version of that same Gulag system is being reconstructed, especially for Ukrainians. Journalists, war-crimes investigators, and specialized groups such as the Reckoning Project have already documented arrests, murders, prisons, and torture chambers in Ukrainian territories under Russian occupation. Slowly, it is becoming clear that these are not just ad hoc responses to Ukrainian resistance. They are part of a long-term plan: the construction of a sprawling system of camps and punishment colonies—a new Gulag. The Associated Press reported yesterday that it has evidence of at least 40 prison camps in Russia and Belarus, as well as 63 formal and informal prisons in occupied Ukraine, containing perhaps 10,000 Ukrainians. A few are prisoners of war: Gulagu.net, a Russian prison-monitoring group, has evidence of Ukrainian soldiers in Russian prisons who arrive without proper papers or POW status. But most of the Ukrainian prisoners are civilians who have been arrested or abducted in occupied territory.


As in the Gulag during its heyday, slave labor is one purpose of these camps. Some Ukrainians in captivity are being forced to dig trenches and build fortifications for Russian soldiers, and to dig mass graves. The Gulag was also designed to instill terror in the broader population, and the new camp system works that way too. Civilians are imprisoned and tortured for minor offenses—AP cites, as one example, the tying of a ribbon with Ukrainian colors to a bicycle—or sometimes for no reason at all. The Reckoning Project has collected many examples of Russian soldiers becoming paranoid and interrogating ordinary people, many of them volunteers for civic organizations, about their connections to the Ukrainian security services, the CIA, or even George Soros’s Open Society Foundation. The AP describes one civilian captive from Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia region who was pulled from her cell, driven around town, and told to identify people with pro-Ukrainian sympathies. In 1937–38, during the era of the Great Purges, Soviet secret police were equally paranoid and equally terrified, not only of ordinary people but also of one another. Recent infighting suggests that Russian military forces may reach that stage in occupied Ukraine too.


FOLLOW THE ATLANTIC


From the June 2023 issue: The counteroffensive


Like the Soviet Gulag, the new Russian camp network is not temporary, and unless the Ukrainians can take back their territory, it will expand. AP has obtained a Russian document, dated this past January, that describes plans to build 25 new prison colonies and six detention centers in occupied Ukrainian territory by 2026. Like the Soviet Gulag, this system is chaotic and lawless. People have been condemned without trial. Their documents have been lost. Sometimes they are kept for no reason, or released for no reason. Their relatives receive no information about them and cannot find or contact them. Eventually, they may also be forced to the front lines. That is certainly the fate of Russian prisoners in Russia, many of whom are now told to sign mobilization papers, and beaten and tortured if they refuse. As in the old days, it seems as if Russian prison directors have been given quotas, numbers of prisoners they need to supply in order to fulfill some central plan.


The historical echoes can’t be an accident. The KGB once taught new recruits to study the institution’s history, and the Russian security services clearly do the same: They are carrying out repressive policies that “worked” in the Soviet days, that kept people like Bohdan Klymchak and his brother behind bars. But that history also explains Ukraine’s response. Anyone who wonders why the Ukrainians keep fighting, why they keep asking for more weapons, why they become frustrated by slow-moving transatlantic diplomacy, why they seem angry or “unreasonable,” should remember this: The Gulag was supposed to belong to the past. Now it belongs to the present. If Ukrainians don’t want it to be part of their future, they will have to physically remove these camps—and the people who run them—from Ukrainian land. Until they have succeeded, no help will ever be enough.


Anne Applebaum is a staff writer at The Atlantic.
So... Russia has a prison camp. Just curious but where would you put POW's if you had any? It's not unreasonable to have a prison camp if you are conducting war efforts. I'd like to see the Atlantic article about Guantanamo. I'm not saying it's not tragic.

Lastly I wouldn't blame any government for rounding up George Soros's goons and throwing them all in a dungeon, the world would be a better place for it.
 
RUSSIA HAS A NEW GULAG


Moscow has revived the Soviet-era labor camp.


JULY 14, 2023


In 1978, Bohdan Klymchak walked out of the Soviet Union and asked for political asylum in Iran. Klymchak was Ukrainian, born near Lviv. In 1949, his family had been deported to Khabarovsk, in the Russian Far East, after the arrest of his brother as a “Ukrainian nationalist.” In 1957, Klymchak himself was arrested for “anti-Soviet agitation”; even after his release, he remained under constant surveillance. After he escaped across the border, and after the Iranians sent him back, Klymchak wound up in a camp called Perm-36, one of the last large political prisons in the Soviet Union. He remained there until 1990, as one of the last Soviet political prisoners.


In the three decades since Klymchak was freed, a lot has happened. Perm-36 became a thriving museum and site of remembrance, receiving tens of thousands of visitors, including groups of schoolchildren, every year. In 2014, it was shut down again. Russian ex-prisoners and historians published memoirs and histories of the Gulag, held conferences, created exhibitions, made documentaries. Then, over the past several years, their organizations were banned, and their leaders were exiled or ignored.


Read: War and consequences


Today, a new version of that same Gulag system is being reconstructed, especially for Ukrainians. Journalists, war-crimes investigators, and specialized groups such as the Reckoning Project have already documented arrests, murders, prisons, and torture chambers in Ukrainian territories under Russian occupation. Slowly, it is becoming clear that these are not just ad hoc responses to Ukrainian resistance. They are part of a long-term plan: the construction of a sprawling system of camps and punishment colonies—a new Gulag. The Associated Press reported yesterday that it has evidence of at least 40 prison camps in Russia and Belarus, as well as 63 formal and informal prisons in occupied Ukraine, containing perhaps 10,000 Ukrainians. A few are prisoners of war: Gulagu.net, a Russian prison-monitoring group, has evidence of Ukrainian soldiers in Russian prisons who arrive without proper papers or POW status. But most of the Ukrainian prisoners are civilians who have been arrested or abducted in occupied territory.


As in the Gulag during its heyday, slave labor is one purpose of these camps. Some Ukrainians in captivity are being forced to dig trenches and build fortifications for Russian soldiers, and to dig mass graves. The Gulag was also designed to instill terror in the broader population, and the new camp system works that way too. Civilians are imprisoned and tortured for minor offenses—AP cites, as one example, the tying of a ribbon with Ukrainian colors to a bicycle—or sometimes for no reason at all. The Reckoning Project has collected many examples of Russian soldiers becoming paranoid and interrogating ordinary people, many of them volunteers for civic organizations, about their connections to the Ukrainian security services, the CIA, or even George Soros’s Open Society Foundation. The AP describes one civilian captive from Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia region who was pulled from her cell, driven around town, and told to identify people with pro-Ukrainian sympathies. In 1937–38, during the era of the Great Purges, Soviet secret police were equally paranoid and equally terrified, not only of ordinary people but also of one another. Recent infighting suggests that Russian military forces may reach that stage in occupied Ukraine too.


FOLLOW THE ATLANTIC


From the June 2023 issue: The counteroffensive


Like the Soviet Gulag, the new Russian camp network is not temporary, and unless the Ukrainians can take back their territory, it will expand. AP has obtained a Russian document, dated this past January, that describes plans to build 25 new prison colonies and six detention centers in occupied Ukrainian territory by 2026. Like the Soviet Gulag, this system is chaotic and lawless. People have been condemned without trial. Their documents have been lost. Sometimes they are kept for no reason, or released for no reason. Their relatives receive no information about them and cannot find or contact them. Eventually, they may also be forced to the front lines. That is certainly the fate of Russian prisoners in Russia, many of whom are now told to sign mobilization papers, and beaten and tortured if they refuse. As in the old days, it seems as if Russian prison directors have been given quotas, numbers of prisoners they need to supply in order to fulfill some central plan.


The historical echoes can’t be an accident. The KGB once taught new recruits to study the institution’s history, and the Russian security services clearly do the same: They are carrying out repressive policies that “worked” in the Soviet days, that kept people like Bohdan Klymchak and his brother behind bars. But that history also explains Ukraine’s response. Anyone who wonders why the Ukrainians keep fighting, why they keep asking for more weapons, why they become frustrated by slow-moving transatlantic diplomacy, why they seem angry or “unreasonable,” should remember this: The Gulag was supposed to belong to the past. Now it belongs to the present. If Ukrainians don’t want it to be part of their future, they will have to physically remove these camps—and the people who run them—from Ukrainian land. Until they have succeeded, no help will ever be enough.


Anne Applebaum is a staff writer at The Atlantic.

Is The Atlantic working on a piece about the J6 prisoners too?
 
So... Russia has a prison camp. Just curious but where would you put POW's if you had any? It's not unreasonable to have a prison camp if you are conducting war efforts. I'd like to see the Atlantic article about Guantanamo. I'm not saying it's not tragic.

Lastly I wouldn't blame any government for rounding up George Soros's goons and throwing them all in a dungeon, the world would be a better place for it.
here's the problem with Gaywolf's propaganda article, and others like it. They try to convince ignorant people that Russia is a huge prison system where everybody gets arrested and thrown away for years, for even minor crimes. PUTLER's GULAG, right?

In reality, the USA has vastly more people in prison. Statistics say we have around 2 million people in prison, and many more on parole. Russia has 439k. And of those criminals, Russia is much tougher on drugs than we are. Right, Hunter?

But wait, The population of the USA is higher than Russia, so that explains it, right? Nope again. We also have one of the highest rates of incarceration, over 500 per 100k people. Russia is way down at #28. They are around 300 per 100k people.

For anyone comparing, the official numbers of the Soviet Gulag system were about 900 prisoners for every 100k people in the USSR. In reality, at times those numbers were considerably higher.

As far as the Hohols, their own government is arresting more dissenters and draft dodgers. But you won't see that on CNN.
 
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here's the problem with Gaywolf's propaganda article, and others like it. They try to convince ignorant people that Russia is a huge prison system where everybody gets arrested and thrown away for years, for even minor crimes. PUTLER's GULAG, right?

In reality, the USA has vastly more people in prison. Statistics say we have around 2 million people in prison, and many more on parole. Russia has 439k. And of those criminals, Russia is much tougher on drugs than we are. Right, Hunter?

But wait, The population of the USA is higher than Russia, so that explains it, right? Nope again. We also have one of the highest rates of incarceration, over 500 per 100k people. Russia is way down at #28. They are around 300 per 100k people.

For anyone comparing, the official numbers of the Soviet Gulag system were about 900 prisoners for every 100k people in the USSR. In reality, at times those numbers were considerably higher.

You than create the question "Why does Russia have fewer prisoners per capita? Is it their liberal system or "something else""

I argue it is something else and it has to do with our abandoned national motto "E Pluribus Unum" and the "C" word......not that 4 letter one......7 letters.....CULTURE!
 
You than create the question "Why does Russia have fewer prisoners per capita? Is it their liberal system or "something else""

I argue it is something else and it has to do with our abandoned national motto "E Pluribus Unum" and the "C" word......not that 4 letter one......7 letters.....CULTURE!
I agree. the people in charge have tried to turn us into a trashcan. If we still stood on our Constitutional values instead of globalist directives, we would have far fewer problems across the board.
 
and for anyone not keeping score, the hohols are arresting priests, Russian speakers, 'collaborators' who took food and medical supplies that the Russians handed out, Anyone posting videos of Ukrainian losses, draft dodgers, and even old ladies (aka Russian spies, lol). A large number of people have been disappeared by the Hohol authorities. If anything, the Russians look like the civilized ones. How many videos of Hohols shooting wounded prisoners, shooting civilians trying to flee a war zone, using civilians as shields, kicking wives and children during their "recruitment roundups" or beating girls do we have to see?
 
WAGNER INSURRECTION

WHY PRIGOZHIN REBELED

NUCLEAR FEARS

WAGNER'S FATE

WHAT TO KNOW

Ousted Russian General Accuses Moscow of Betraying Troops

Dissent by senior army commander in Ukraine highlights the growing fractures within Russia’s military after Prigozhin’s mutiny

A senior Russian commander in southern Ukraine accused Moscow’s military leadership of treason and incompetence after he was ousted for criticizing its management of the war, opening another fracture within Russia’s security establishment just weeks after Wagner’s aborted putsch.

In an audio message to troops that has caused a furor in Russia, Maj. Gen. Ivan Popov said he was removed for telling the truth to military leaders, including the chief of General Staff Gen. Valery Gerasimov, who is in direct control of Russia’s war in Ukraine.

“I either had to stay quiet and craven, telling them what they wanted to hear, or call things by their proper names,” said Popov, who commanded the 58th Combined Arms Army that is deployed in Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia region.

Based in Russia’s northern Caucasus, the 58th Army is one of the strongest components of the Russian Armed Forces. Gerasimov served as its commander two decades ago.

Popov accused military leaders of “decapitating the army in its hardest and most difficult moment,” adding that his anger was shared by other senior officers.

“As many commanders of regiments and divisions said today, while troops of the Ukrainian Armed Forces couldn’t break through our army on the front, we were struck in the back by our senior commander, in a treasonous and vile way,” he said.

Popov’s message was made public late Wednesday by Russian lawmaker Andrei Gurulyov, a retired lieutenant-general and a former commander of the 58th Army. Neither he nor Popov are close to Wagner owner Yevgeny Prigozhin, whose troops seized the Russian city of Rostov and marched on Moscow last month.

The content of Popov’s message, however, echoed Prigozhin’s complaints that Gerasimov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu have mismanaged the war and caused unjustifiably high casualties in Russian ranks.

This latest crisis shows just how deep and widespread the disaffection within Russia’s armed forces has become almost a year-and-a-half into a conflict that was supposed to be a short, victorious war. It also underlines the extent to which Wagner’s mutiny has emboldened other critics.

The Russian military is on the defensive once again after failing to make any significant progress since last summer, with Kyiv seizing the initiative as it attempts to regain occupied land in Zaporizhzhia and the eastern Donetsk regions.

Popov, who is known by his call sign Spartacus and who referred to his troops as gladiators, commanded the stretch of front line in Zaporizhzhia where some of the heaviest fighting has raged since the Ukrainian counter offensive began more than a month ago, with heavy losses on both sides. Ukrainian troops there, so far, have failed to make major gains.

Chief among several complaints Popov said he made to Gerasimov was the devastation wrought by Ukrainian artillery. Ukrainian howitzers supplied by the U.S. and European allies have a greater precision and range than Russian artillery, helping to offset Russia’s more abundant ammunition reserves and its ability to use helicopter gunships and fighter-bombers on the front lines.

A Ukrainian cruise missile hit the field headquarters of the 58th Army in the town of Berdyansk in the Zaporizhzhia region this week. The strike killed, among other officers, Lt. Gen. Oleg Tsokov, the deputy commander of Russia’s Southern Military District.

“The biggest tragedy of contemporary war is the absence of counter-battery capabilities, the absence of artillery reconnaissance, and the mass death and maiming of our brothers as a result of the enemy’s artillery,” Popov said in the message, adding that he was dismissed immediately after delivering his report and didn’t know what his future held. He called on other officers in the 58th Army to remain in close contact with him.

“We are all dying the same way, we are all fighting the same way, it is equally scary, equally painful and equally difficult for all of us,” he said.

Immediately after Popov’s message spread on Russian social media, several Russian military analysts wondered whether the general could, just like Prigozhin, catalyze the discontent that is growing within the ranks.

Some Telegram channels run by military officers published messages from soldiers expressing solidarity with the general and saying that they have lost the will to fight after his dismissal. While Russia doesn’t disclose its military casualties, Western officials estimate that several tens of thousands of Russian soldiers have been killed. Wagner alone had 20,000 fatalities in its battle to capture the eastern Ukrainian city of Bakhmut, according to Prigozhin.

Sen. Andrei Turchak, one of the top leaders of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s United Russia party, rushed to defend Popov, saying that the voice message was supposed to be private and shouldn’t have been released. “Ivan’s conscience is clear. The Motherland can be proud of this kind of commander,” Turchak wrote on Telegram referring to Popov. “The Army was and remains outside politics.”

Igor Girkin, a fiercely nationalist critic of both the Putin regime and Prigozhin, disagreed. He described Popov’s message as “nonsense, scandal, most dangerous precedent and almost mutiny.”

“Only another large military defeat separates us from the new ‘March on Moscow,’ by the regular army,” added Girkin, who is also a former defense minister of the Russian proxy statelet in Ukraine’s Donetsk region.

Prigozhin eventually abandoned his “March for Justice” toward Moscow in a truce with Putin mediated by Belarus President Alexander Lukashenko, but not before Wagner shot down seven Russian military aircraft. The Russian president granted Prigozhin and his commanders immunity and even met them in Moscow days later, according to the Kremlin. Prigozhin hasn’t been seen in public and hasn’t made any statements since that meeting.

On Wednesday, the Russian Ministry of Defense said it had taken control of stockpiles of Wagner’s heavy weapons. The transferred equipment, it said, included more than 2,000 tanks, multiple-launch rocket systems, fighting vehicles and air-defense launchers, some 20,000 rifles and 2,500 tons of artillery ammunition. If true, that would leave Wagner without most of its capabilities.

While Wagner commanders remain free, Russian authorities have detained several senior generals for an investigation of their possible roles in Prigozhin’s abandoned putsch. According to people familiar with the matter, the detainees include Gen. Sergei Surovikin, the commander of Russia’s Aerospace Force who served between October and January as the overall commander of the Russian campaign in Ukraine. Andrei Kartapolov, the chair of the Russian parliament’s defense committee, said this week that Surovikin is “resting” and “not available.”

Write to Yaroslav Trofimov at [email protected]

The War in Ukraine and the Wagner Rebellion

News and insights, selected by the editors

Ukraine Leaves NATO Summit Without Clear Path to Membership

Russia Detained Senior Military Officers in Wake of Wagner Mutiny

Ousted Russian General Accuses Moscow of Betraying Troops

Biden Visit Cements Finland’s Pivot Away From Neutrality

France to Send Ukraine Cruise Missiles

How Russia Seized a Ukrainian City’s Businesses

Why the Ukraine Counteroffensive Is Such Slow Going

Turkey Agrees to Allow Sweden to Join NATO
 
Vid of Kerch bridge damage at link:


There were some (unconfirmed) rumors that the IRR callup involved CBRNE types. Don't know if that indicates a possible attack on one of the nuke plants or an expectation that a nuke (tactical or ?) will be detonated somewhere. Cutting the Kerch bridges (rail + vehicle) invites some higher level response. Whether the lunatics that took out Nordstream (whoever they may be) decide to escalate with a false-flag is unknown. I don't put anything past anyone at this point. Utter madness. Start peace talks.
 
RUSSIA HAS A NEW GULAG


Moscow has revived the Soviet-era labor camp.


JULY 14, 2023


In 1978, Bohdan Klymchak walked out of the Soviet Union and asked for political asylum in Iran. Klymchak was Ukrainian, born near Lviv. In 1949, his family had been deported to Khabarovsk, in the Russian Far East, after the arrest of his brother as a “Ukrainian nationalist.” In 1957, Klymchak himself was arrested for “anti-Soviet agitation”; even after his release, he remained under constant surveillance. After he escaped across the border, and after the Iranians sent him back, Klymchak wound up in a camp called Perm-36, one of the last large political prisons in the Soviet Union. He remained there until 1990, as one of the last Soviet political prisoners.


In the three decades since Klymchak was freed, a lot has happened. Perm-36 became a thriving museum and site of remembrance, receiving tens of thousands of visitors, including groups of schoolchildren, every year. In 2014, it was shut down again. Russian ex-prisoners and historians published memoirs and histories of the Gulag, held conferences, created exhibitions, made documentaries. Then, over the past several years, their organizations were banned, and their leaders were exiled or ignored.


Read: War and consequences


Today, a new version of that same Gulag system is being reconstructed, especially for Ukrainians. Journalists, war-crimes investigators, and specialized groups such as the Reckoning Project have already documented arrests, murders, prisons, and torture chambers in Ukrainian territories under Russian occupation. Slowly, it is becoming clear that these are not just ad hoc responses to Ukrainian resistance. They are part of a long-term plan: the construction of a sprawling system of camps and punishment colonies—a new Gulag. The Associated Press reported yesterday that it has evidence of at least 40 prison camps in Russia and Belarus, as well as 63 formal and informal prisons in occupied Ukraine, containing perhaps 10,000 Ukrainians. A few are prisoners of war: Gulagu.net, a Russian prison-monitoring group, has evidence of Ukrainian soldiers in Russian prisons who arrive without proper papers or POW status. But most of the Ukrainian prisoners are civilians who have been arrested or abducted in occupied territory.


As in the Gulag during its heyday, slave labor is one purpose of these camps. Some Ukrainians in captivity are being forced to dig trenches and build fortifications for Russian soldiers, and to dig mass graves. The Gulag was also designed to instill terror in the broader population, and the new camp system works that way too. Civilians are imprisoned and tortured for minor offenses—AP cites, as one example, the tying of a ribbon with Ukrainian colors to a bicycle—or sometimes for no reason at all. The Reckoning Project has collected many examples of Russian soldiers becoming paranoid and interrogating ordinary people, many of them volunteers for civic organizations, about their connections to the Ukrainian security services, the CIA, or even George Soros’s Open Society Foundation. The AP describes one civilian captive from Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia region who was pulled from her cell, driven around town, and told to identify people with pro-Ukrainian sympathies. In 1937–38, during the era of the Great Purges, Soviet secret police were equally paranoid and equally terrified, not only of ordinary people but also of one another. Recent infighting suggests that Russian military forces may reach that stage in occupied Ukraine too.


FOLLOW THE ATLANTIC


From the June 2023 issue: The counteroffensive


Like the Soviet Gulag, the new Russian camp network is not temporary, and unless the Ukrainians can take back their territory, it will expand. AP has obtained a Russian document, dated this past January, that describes plans to build 25 new prison colonies and six detention centers in occupied Ukrainian territory by 2026. Like the Soviet Gulag, this system is chaotic and lawless. People have been condemned without trial. Their documents have been lost. Sometimes they are kept for no reason, or released for no reason. Their relatives receive no information about them and cannot find or contact them. Eventually, they may also be forced to the front lines. That is certainly the fate of Russian prisoners in Russia, many of whom are now told to sign mobilization papers, and beaten and tortured if they refuse. As in the old days, it seems as if Russian prison directors have been given quotas, numbers of prisoners they need to supply in order to fulfill some central plan.


The historical echoes can’t be an accident. The KGB once taught new recruits to study the institution’s history, and the Russian security services clearly do the same: They are carrying out repressive policies that “worked” in the Soviet days, that kept people like Bohdan Klymchak and his brother behind bars. But that history also explains Ukraine’s response. Anyone who wonders why the Ukrainians keep fighting, why they keep asking for more weapons, why they become frustrated by slow-moving transatlantic diplomacy, why they seem angry or “unreasonable,” should remember this: The Gulag was supposed to belong to the past. Now it belongs to the present. If Ukrainians don’t want it to be part of their future, they will have to physically remove these camps—and the people who run them—from Ukrainian land. Until they have succeeded, no help will ever be enough.


Anne Applebaum is a staff writer at The Atlantic.
Awesome, we need that here
 
RUSSIA HAS A NEW GULAG


Moscow has revived the Soviet-era labor camp.


JULY 14, 2023


In 1978, Bohdan Klymchak walked out of the Soviet Union and asked for political asylum in Iran. Klymchak was Ukrainian, born near Lviv. In 1949, his family had been deported to Khabarovsk, in the Russian Far East, after the arrest of his brother as a “Ukrainian nationalist.” In 1957, Klymchak himself was arrested for “anti-Soviet agitation”; even after his release, he remained under constant surveillance. After he escaped across the border, and after the Iranians sent him back, Klymchak wound up in a camp called Perm-36, one of the last large political prisons in the Soviet Union. He remained there until 1990, as one of the last Soviet political prisoners.


In the three decades since Klymchak was freed, a lot has happened. Perm-36 became a thriving museum and site of remembrance, receiving tens of thousands of visitors, including groups of schoolchildren, every year. In 2014, it was shut down again. Russian ex-prisoners and historians published memoirs and histories of the Gulag, held conferences, created exhibitions, made documentaries. Then, over the past several years, their organizations were banned, and their leaders were exiled or ignored.


Read: War and consequences


Today, a new version of that same Gulag system is being reconstructed, especially for Ukrainians. Journalists, war-crimes investigators, and specialized groups such as the Reckoning Project have already documented arrests, murders, prisons, and torture chambers in Ukrainian territories under Russian occupation. Slowly, it is becoming clear that these are not just ad hoc responses to Ukrainian resistance. They are part of a long-term plan: the construction of a sprawling system of camps and punishment colonies—a new Gulag. The Associated Press reported yesterday that it has evidence of at least 40 prison camps in Russia and Belarus, as well as 63 formal and informal prisons in occupied Ukraine, containing perhaps 10,000 Ukrainians. A few are prisoners of war: Gulagu.net, a Russian prison-monitoring group, has evidence of Ukrainian soldiers in Russian prisons who arrive without proper papers or POW status. But most of the Ukrainian prisoners are civilians who have been arrested or abducted in occupied territory.


As in the Gulag during its heyday, slave labor is one purpose of these camps. Some Ukrainians in captivity are being forced to dig trenches and build fortifications for Russian soldiers, and to dig mass graves. The Gulag was also designed to instill terror in the broader population, and the new camp system works that way too. Civilians are imprisoned and tortured for minor offenses—AP cites, as one example, the tying of a ribbon with Ukrainian colors to a bicycle—or sometimes for no reason at all. The Reckoning Project has collected many examples of Russian soldiers becoming paranoid and interrogating ordinary people, many of them volunteers for civic organizations, about their connections to the Ukrainian security services, the CIA, or even George Soros’s Open Society Foundation. The AP describes one civilian captive from Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia region who was pulled from her cell, driven around town, and told to identify people with pro-Ukrainian sympathies. In 1937–38, during the era of the Great Purges, Soviet secret police were equally paranoid and equally terrified, not only of ordinary people but also of one another. Recent infighting suggests that Russian military forces may reach that stage in occupied Ukraine too.


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From the June 2023 issue: The counteroffensive


Like the Soviet Gulag, the new Russian camp network is not temporary, and unless the Ukrainians can take back their territory, it will expand. AP has obtained a Russian document, dated this past January, that describes plans to build 25 new prison colonies and six detention centers in occupied Ukrainian territory by 2026. Like the Soviet Gulag, this system is chaotic and lawless. People have been condemned without trial. Their documents have been lost. Sometimes they are kept for no reason, or released for no reason. Their relatives receive no information about them and cannot find or contact them. Eventually, they may also be forced to the front lines. That is certainly the fate of Russian prisoners in Russia, many of whom are now told to sign mobilization papers, and beaten and tortured if they refuse. As in the old days, it seems as if Russian prison directors have been given quotas, numbers of prisoners they need to supply in order to fulfill some central plan.


The historical echoes can’t be an accident. The KGB once taught new recruits to study the institution’s history, and the Russian security services clearly do the same: They are carrying out repressive policies that “worked” in the Soviet days, that kept people like Bohdan Klymchak and his brother behind bars. But that history also explains Ukraine’s response. Anyone who wonders why the Ukrainians keep fighting, why they keep asking for more weapons, why they become frustrated by slow-moving transatlantic diplomacy, why they seem angry or “unreasonable,” should remember this: The Gulag was supposed to belong to the past. Now it belongs to the present. If Ukrainians don’t want it to be part of their future, they will have to physically remove these camps—and the people who run them—from Ukrainian land. Until they have succeeded, no help will ever be enough.


Anne Applebaum is a staff writer at The Atlantic.
how many political prisoners are in our own gulag in dc?
 
You than create the question "Why does Russia have fewer prisoners per capita? Is it their liberal system or "something else""

I argue it is something else and it has to do with our abandoned national motto "E Pluribus Unum" and the "C" word......not that 4 letter one......7 letters.....CULTURE!
"detention" in Russia is a separate category that is not categorized as being a prisoner, you can get a statistic to sing any tune you wish by limiting the data.
 

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Hunter Biden replied to Pozharskyi’s email, assuring him he could deliver. “You should go ahead and sign,” he wrote on Nov. 5, 2015. “Looking forward to getting started on this,” Hunter Biden added.

One month later, Joe Biden arrived in Ukraine to speak with the president of Ukraine. Soon afterward in March 2016, the president of Ukraine fired the prosecutor who was looking into Burisma.
 
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As messed up as Pearl Harbor was, one thing hardly mentioned is the civilians killed, and damage done by "friendly fire".

From link below- Perhaps the most tragic civilian casualties come from those killed by "friendly fire." Many of the 5-inch anti-aircraft rounds fired at the Japanese aircraft did not detonate properly and landed in civilian areas around Pearl Harbor and Honolulu, exploding on contact with the ground. Many of the civilian fire departments had deployed to Hickam Field and Pearl Harbor to fight fires there and were not available to fight the many fires caused by falling rounds in civilian areas.


One of the horrors of War.

IMHO you can thank FDR for that. While he was all for cutting every service but the navy, he did not sign off on a budget that allowed them to replace old ammo. Some of the stuff shot was over 30 years old. And Cordite does some odd things when it gets old, I read a report where some shells used still had guncotton in them for pete sake. FDR is one of the most over blown pres. in history.
 

email-Vadym-1024x757.jpg


Hunter Biden replied to Pozharskyi’s email, assuring him he could deliver. “You should go ahead and sign,” he wrote on Nov. 5, 2015. “Looking forward to getting started on this,” Hunter Biden added.

One month later, Joe Biden arrived in Ukraine to speak with the president of Ukraine. Soon afterward in March 2016, the president of Ukraine fired the prosecutor who was looking into Burisma.
I'm sure that it's only coincidence.

.gov would never lie to us.
 
Vid of Kerch bridge damage at link:


There were some (unconfirmed) rumors that the IRR callup involved CBRNE types. Don't know if that indicates a possible attack on one of the nuke plants or an expectation that a nuke (tactical or ?) will be detonated somewhere. Cutting the Kerch bridges (rail + vehicle) invites some higher level response. Whether the lunatics that took out Nordstream (whoever they may be) decide to escalate with a false-flag is unknown. I don't put anything past anyone at this point. Utter madness. Start peace talks.
the globalist neocons/neoJacobins/neoBolsheviks/whatever you want to call them are utterly insane. they want to start a nuclear war. they don't care; they will live while the average person dies.

It's too damn bad they don't all meet in Kiev so Russia can saturate the entire area with missiles and solve the world's problems.
 
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possibly hit another ammo dump that stored depleted uranium munitions?

Thats what the newest reports are saying it occurred from. Dont know if they are true so I havent posted them.